The development of races in the American history has had a rough historic terrain. Vividly the beginning of the assignment and the development of race thereof seems to have been prompted by the landmark ruling of the court in 1970. Michael and Howard (1987, p 43) argues that this ruling ideally legalized the assignment of races to people according to their skin color and blood. However the ruling left numerous questions to be answered; perhaps the most intriguing question was the ideal definition of race in the contemporary society.
The diversity in the definition of race seems to have also precipitated the struggle towards the struggle for racial identity. The scientific definition of triggered the hottest of the debates, and so was the definition presented by the religious class. Conley (2009, p 31) argues that the search for racial identity within the context of the varied definition formed the epitome of the development of races. The aforementioned notwithstanding, and most importantly so, the political debate on race has remained the centre of contention and controversy in the overall debate in the development of races.
Clearly, in the words of David (1992, p 78) it is the controversy on the definition of race that marked the beginning of the racial development. Within this presumption, it is apparent that had there been no such debate, society would have existed replete of races. However, the upsurge of the development of races has formed the central axis for diverse social relations. These social relations can in no way be reduced or subsumed to any broader categorizations.
The black race has been viewed as having been developed through the slavery period. Blacks particularly of the Ibo Fulani and Yoruba origin who had found their way into the corridors of slavery formed the first racial line. This was witnessed in the seventieth century. Michael and Howard (1987, p 65) argue that The social scientists such as Winthrop Jordon had set to understand society even better and this quest towards understanding of society seems to have further precipitated the formation of races.
Conley (2009, p 34) asserts that at the very onset, Christian was the central term for generality. However, the quest to a further comprehension of the human race saw a shift to the use of thee terms free and English. Consequently, the development of the colonies saw the development of a new term that would be used in the definition the racial compositions. The term white became a common term in usage. Racialization has been used to imply the extension of the racial connotes of the previously unclassified social practices, relationships and groups of diverse orients.
The nineteenth century characterized by political revolutions and ideological struggles saw the emergence of new racial classes such as the Irish, Southern Europeans and the Jews that were termed as non whites. David (1992, p 49) argues that the racial order of the nineteenth century saw the development of Nativism. The development of Nativism saw the spread of the institutionalization of Racialization beyond the borders of Europe.
While the abolition of racial slavery had been intended to reduce the effects of the racial segregations, it only seemed to consolidate the American racial order. This was also precipitated through the assimilation of the hitherto slave immigrant to the American culture, which however still left them subjected racial discriminations. The upsurge of trade unionism also saw the development of classes that were utterly based on racial lines with the Chinese emerging as a strong social and racial class. Capitalism seemed to maneuver its way into the social classes and further into the racial groups; precipitating Racialization.
The number of races formed or identified notwithstanding, the central born of contention was the universal definition of the term race. However, it is unanimous that the term race regardless of the present definition has been evolving over time. However, he evolution of race has been witnessed along both micro and macro lines. At the micro level race has been seen as an individual identity affair. On the macro level race has been viewed as a matter of collectivity. According to Zaragosa (1987, p 64) whichever the perspective, the development and the effects of race thereof have been a human making, unwarranted.
Racialization has had an adverse effect on the overall accessibility of opportunities on the human race. Taking the American case for example suffrage had initially been the preserve of the white American and the blacks and the Latinos had not been allowed initially to take part in voting. Given that the most important of the political and civic right any citizen can making this presents the worst of the effects of racial segregations.
Within the precincts of this draconian practice, it is evident that the race made certain groups to be treated as lesser citizens than others. For example women were not equally allowed to take part in voting. Ideally the democratic and political implication is that they have no right to make decision even if the decisions affect them. Overall this is a disguised orientation of human rights violation.
If the aforementioned forms the basis for any meaningful discourse, then it is evident that the accessibility of opportunities becomes a preserve of a few. Sampling out the case of becoming a senator for example, the minimum condition was that one needed to be a registered voter. Ultimately the segregated group is automatically locked out of any possibility of being elected to this position.
The accessibility of employment was also through racial lines. Robin (1997, p 94) states that Blacks, Latinos and Chinese would not be appointed to certain positions. Forthwith, this means that their economic growth prospect was reduced tremendously. These groups were made to lack any economic muzzle that was imperative for one to pursue any political career even years after the suffrage had been extended to this marginalized groups.
The privileged who managed to secure employment in lucrative positions were equally paid on scales lower than their white counterparts. This show not only human segregation but also a violation of human rights.
The education sector was also organized along racial line. As if this was not enough, even the content taught to the learner had been organized along racial line. Vivian (2008, p 12) asserts that this meant the preparation of the different races for the job marketed was exclusive and the marginalized groups would not access certain opportunities because that did not have the requisite knowledge for the profession.
The census vividly shows that the jobs such as the symbolic analysts were a preserve of the white and only a paltry 6 percent of such employment opportunities would be accessed by the segregated groups. The blacks, according to Rebecca (2002, p 62), the Latinos and the Chinese would only be allowed 23% of the routine production opportunities. This is because the level of remuneration for this cadre of opportunities was moderate.
According to Robin (1997, p 27) the in-person servers were largely the central preserves of the blacks, the Latinos and the Chinese. The employees in this cadre were 97% Black, Latinos or Chinese. The employees in this segment of employment were literally treated as slaves. It is perhaps the reason why the cadre was a preserve of the marginalized groups.
The marginalized races during the post industrial America were put in sections that were seen to have far-reaching effects on the health of the employee even if the opportunities were well paying (Clara R., 2006). Overall while this ascribes to forms of human rights violation it also does denote the absolute dehumanization of these races. Ideally, humanity should have equally opportunities provided they have equal capabilities.
Zaragosa (1987, p 102) states that blacks, Latinos or the Chinese had chances of working in high cadre employment opportunities had the least prospects for career development. However, their white counterparts easily found their way to top management cadres. This shows the filth that was inherent in the Racialization of the American society. Appreciably, Rebecca (2002, p 109), argues that the present America has undergone real democratization and human right observance. Regardless of color, American can access opportunities with the least obstruction.
Conley D., (2009) Being black, living in the red, race wealth and social policy in America, 10th anniversary Edition
Zaragosa V., (1987) “Rank and File: Historical Perspectives on Latino/a Workers in the U.S.,” in Antonia Darder and Rodolfo D. Torres, eds. The Latino Studies Reader: Culture, Economy, and Society.
Robin D.B. K., (1997) “Kickin’ Reality, Kickin’ Ballistics: Gangsta Rap and Post-Industrial Los Angeles,” in Race Rebels: Culture, Politics, and the Black Working Class.
David R. R., (1992) Working Toward Whiteness: How America’s Immigrants Became White.
Rebecca M., Frank B., (2002) “Restructuring and the New Inequality.” in Morales and Bonilla, eds. Latinos in a Changing US Economy: Comparative Perspectives on Growing Inequality.
Vivian L., (2008) Compelled to Excel: Immigration, Education and Opportunity Among Chinese Americans.
Michael O., Howard W., Racial Formation in The United State From the 1960s to the 1980s NY: Routledge, 1986/1989)
Clara R.. 2006 Changing Race: Latinos, the Census and the History of Ethnicity in the United States.